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Showing posts with label Supreme Court. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Supreme Court. Show all posts

Tuesday, July 21, 2015

The Obergefell Decision is Incorrect

I think the Supreme Court decision in Obergefell v. Hodges, which declared that state prohibition of gay marriage is unconstitutional, is incorrect. I can't find a right to marry in the Constitution.

That's not to say that I think gay couples should not be married. Every state in the union, and the federal government as well, should endorse and protect same-sex marriages. There is not earthly reason to prohibit it; the arguments made by opponents are silly and often contradictory. As I noted in the space earlier, Justice Scalia's dissent in the case was especially embarrassing. No one, for example, has a First Amendment right to refuse to interact with gay people in the public sphere. That's nonsense.

Also, I think the Supreme Court decision in Lawrence v. Texas is absolutely correct. Justice Kennedy's opinion is that case made precisely the right point when it said that

liberty presumes an autonomy of self that includes freedom of thought, belief, expression, and certain intimate conduct....  The petitioners are entitled to respect for their private lives. The State cannot demean their existence or control their destiny by making their private sexual conduct a crime. Their right to liberty under the Due Process Clause gives them the full right to engage in their conduct without intervention of the government.
To outlaw homosexual conduct is as much an invasion into basic liberty as it would be to outlaw heterosexual conduct as a whole. This kind of government intrusion is exactly the kind of this the 9th Amendment was written to prevent. 

Marriage, on the other hand, is not private. It is an explicitly public act, recognized (or not) by religious, social, or political communities. It's not conducted in private, and has no serious bearing on other protected behavior. One can be gay, straight or otherwise whether one is married or not. Although Justice Roberts dissent was unnecessarily uncivil, I think he was right. He said, in part,

Today the Court takes the extraordinary step of ordering every State to license and recognize same-sex marriage. Many people will rejoice at this decision, and I begrudge none their celebration. But for those who believe in a government of laws, not of men, the majority’s approach is deeply disheartening…
The majority’s decision is an act of will, not legal judgment. The right it announces has no basis in the Constitution or this Court’s precedent. The majority expressly disclaims judicial “caution” and omits even a pretense of humility, openly relying on its desire to remake society according to its own “new insight” into the “nature of injustice…

That is, the right to gay marriage is a legal one, to be protected by political process, not a constitutional one. I think Justice Kennedy and the four justices who signed his opinion went a step too far.



Monday, June 1, 2015

"We're Here, We're Queer, Now What?"

The following essay was submitted by Bailey Summers, who graduated from Millbrook School in May and will be attending Texas Christian University.


Gay pride was once instrumental in raising awareness for the social issues of homosexuality. However, now that the need for gay civil rights has been established, the gay pride movement has become detrimental to the gay rights movement. Actions of the gay pride movement, namely gay pride parades, often reinforce stereotypes, only represent a fraction of the LGBT community, and are outdated, serving little to no productive function. Gay pride parades used to be part of an old gay-rights tradition when gay pride was necessary. Gay pride was the gateway to gay rights, but now is obsolete. Gay pride has become more of a spectacle than a fight for basic human rights. The gay civil rights movement needed the gay pride movement in order to gather momentum, but the goals and agendas of each subgroup have diverged to a point where the gay pride movement is now detrimental to the gay rights movement.
The gay pride movement was essential as it identified an issue that was relatively overlooked and needed attention. One of the first steps towards gaining leeway in the fight for gay rights was to distinguish the gay community; gay pride was vital in doing so. Affectionately dubbed “the Mayor of Castro Street,”[i] Harvey Milk was an iconic politician from the heart of San Francisco’s gay community. Having been elected to San Francisco’s Board of Supervisors in 1977, he became “one of the first openly gay officials in the United States.”[ii] Milk jump started the gay civil rights movement and was a political powerhouse for the gay community. Milk’s early campaigns relied heavily on gay pride, the idea that homosexuals should not keep their sexuality secret and should be proud of it instead. Milk encouraged gays and lesbians to come out of their closets, thus increasing their visibility.[iii] John D’Emilio, a gay historian, notes, “this cathartic act of coming out publicly—to one’s family and friends, at work and on the streets—“quintessentially expressed the fusion of the personal and political that the radicalism of the late 1960s exalted.”[iv] Prior to this time, “the gays were attacked helplessly by crazy people… now they were unified and they had a voice, a message, a mission.”[v] Gay pride and the gay rights movement started out as one cohesive community. Since then however, they have split into two different subgroups, each having developed their own set of goals, agendas, and methods.
Despite two totally different attitudes, those who practice and exercise gay pride are often perceived to operate with the same objectives in mind as gay civil rights activists. Both groups evolved from the same movement but are no longer as intertwined as they used to be. Once the gay civil rights issue was evident, the campaign no longer needed to gain visibility like it did before. The movement shifted its focus from liberation to activism. Gay power, the organized political influence exerted by homosexuals as a group, especially to ensure rights in employment, housing, and public accommodation, was finally beginning to make some ground. This new type of movement, though still embracing the objectives of the liberation movement, proceeded to advance with a new set of goals in mind. Gay rights activists pursued political reformation and “rather than [trying] to destroy the old… they sought recognition and inclusion in American society.”[vi] The movement aimed to change government policies and hoped to end job discrimination, media invisibility, and church and military discrimination.[vii] The movement amassed greater visibility and new economic opportunities for gay-oriented businesses all the while remaining polite, political, and unobtrusive.
Gay rights activists are just as motivated and active today. The emphasis of the gay and lesbian rights movement is no longer on coming out, as it was in the 1960’s, but on equality, the demand that they no longer be treated as second-class citizens because of their sexual orientation.[viii] By trying to change legislation and pushing for progressive politics, the gay rights movement has developed a political process in which they get things done. For example, now more than “30 states and the District of Columbia allow marriage for same-sex couples.”[ix] They emphasize their similarities and down play their differences. At the end of the day their goals are not only tangible, but also achievable.
The 1980’s saw a cultural shift in the gay movement. Activists of a less radical nature began taking over the march committees in different cities, and they dropped "Gay Liberation" and "Gay Freedom" from the names, replacing them with "Gay Pride."[x] Gay pride or LGBT pride is the positive stance against discrimination and violence toward lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender people to promote their self-affirmation, dignity, and equal rights; And to increase their visibility as a social group, build community, and celebrate sexual diversity and gender variance. In its efforts to proliferate the acceptance and assimilation of homosexuals into society, gay pride uses and embraces pride parades as a tool to celebrate their differences and bring about social change. Gay pride parades, however, play into the idea of freakiness and weirdness. They aim to promote acceptance by parading their differences. Though pride is the predominant outlook that bolsters most LGBT rights movements around the world[xi], it also proves to be detrimental, even damaging to the LGBT cause at times.
Gay pride parades continually trigger debate and spark controversy. Gay pride parades have been applauded for their ability to bring about awareness of discrimination, bigotry and violence. They help the gay community gather and rally together. They increase visibility and raise consciousness of AIDS.  Gay pride parades bring support and unity to the gay community, they let society know that the gay community is not a force to be messed with or ignored. For many, “Pride parades are a chance to come together and celebrate the community and how far it's come, to remember and honor those who came before us, to support each other in our continued efforts to achieve equal rights and to celebrate what it means to be LGBT -- both personally and politically.”[xii]
The other side of the argument, however, is that gay pride parades are no longer necessary. Andrew Sullivan is “one of the world's most widely read bloggers, is a former Atlantic senior editor, a political commentator, and the author of five books.”[xiii] In the 1990’s, Sullivan became known for being openly gay, and for championing issues such as gays in the military and same-sex marriage.[xiv] In the summer of 2000, Sullivan founded The Dish, one of the very first political blogs.[xv] The Dish now has a readership of around 1.2 million visitors with an average of around 8 million page views a month from around the world.[xvi] Sullivan has made it clear that he is not particularly fond of Pride events and has reservations regarding the whole Pride movement. In a post titled, “Dismantling Gay Pride”, Sullivan says, “Pride events can be great therapy and empowerment for those just coming to terms with being out, but can end up enforcing some ghastly, single “gay identity” memes I don’t really believe in. My hope has always been that as civil rights are extended and formal equality achieved, we can move past gay and straight to human… The gay pride thing is so … well, gay. It was once a gateway; now it feels more like a holding pen.”[xvii] Gay pride parades once served to push the gay community and the gay rights movement forward. Now, they hold both the community and the movement back.
Similarly, others also argue that gay pride backfires and being overtly flamboyant is harmful to the LGBT reputation. In an online poll, City-Data.com asked its readers whether they thought gay pride parades give a good or bad impression of homosexuals. Out of one hundred-and-thirteen voters, sixteen percent said pride parades gave them very good or mostly good impressions of homosexuals, twenty-six percent said pride parades gave them neither good nor bad impressions of homosexuals, and a staggering fifty-eight percent said pride parades gave them mostly bad or very bad impressions of homosexuals.[xviii] The negative effects of gay pride parades far outweigh the positive effects and in turn cast a destructive shadow on the gay rights movement. Some members of the LGBT community find fault with pride parades, arguing that the parades provide foes of the community “ammunition with which to disparage the movement. They cite the often sex positive and flamboyant displays that are customarily part of the parades as enforcing the stereotype that LGBT people are silly, gender bending, sex-crazed freaks.”[xix] They worry that the LGBT community “will never gain acceptance from the mainstream if they continue to flaunt their "otherness."”[xx]
The Onion, a pseudo new source, pointed this out in a parody, quoting fictional people on the streets. Allison Weber, a 43 year-old marketing consultant, had her perceptions and assumptions about gays challenged by the parade. She said, “My understanding was that gay people are just like everybody else–decent, hard-working people who care about their communities and have loving, committed relationships," Weber said. "But, after this terrifying spectacle, I don't want them teaching my kids or living in my neighborhood."[xxi] Although this was written with the intent to make readers laugh, it also makes them think. As comedic and light-hearted as this article is, the statements and claims made are ironically correct. This comedic take on pride events rings true, pride events can be and in fact are harmful to the gay rights movement.
Pride parades, regardless of their intentions, often times reinforce stereotypes. Gay pride parades are avant-garde, and outlandish displays of pride in one’s homosexuality held in reverence to the Stonewall Riots, a period that had a lasting impact on the country’s LGBT history. Parade goer’s range from old men in thongs, to polished men with tight butts rocking S&M inspired outfits. The parades are seen as overt displays of sexuality, and it’s participants as sexual deviants. Not only do they widen the gap of separation between the gay community and the straight community, but they also create more inequality amongst Americans. Pride parades are frequently misinterpreted; not all gay men adorn themselves with glitter, boas and tassels to parade their city’s streets just as not all lesbians cover their nipples with electric tape to stress the importance of legalizing same-sex marriage. But that is largely what the general public sees at these events and is what they base their opinions off of. They provide evidence for and greatly support the notion that all gay men are “overly eccentric individuals who prance around acting fabulous,” as described by one Reddit user.[xxii] These large groups of inappropriately dressed men frolicking about are ammunition for homophobic heterosexuals everywhere. Additionally, for those who are hesitant in supporting the gay community, attending a gay pride parade would only prove everything people falsely believe about the gay community to be true. Gay pride parades promote ignorance and are harmful to the gay rights movement by encouraging and reinforcing stereotypical behavior.
Also, gay pride parades only represent a small fraction of the gay community. Pride parades become a hindrance to the gay rights movement the moment people begin to assume all gays to be the same. For every bikini-clad body that just wants to obnoxiously assert its gayness, there is a gay man in a suit wanting to be paid the same amount as his heterosexual co-worker, a lesbian woman wearing gym clothes wanting to be recognized as part of American society, and a gay teen in jeans struggling to come to terms with being out. There are many members of the gay community not being accurately represented by the gay pride parades. The parades make it more difficult for gays who do not participate to be fully accepted. Not only are gay pride parades misleading, but also are the cause of disagreement within the gay community; ever since the pride parades became mainstream, family-friendly businesses, the gay community has had difficulty agreeing on what sort of imagery the parades should present.[xxiii] A blogger on www.abovetopsecret.com wrote, “If you really want to get a message of equality and acceptance implemented, don't make those who disagree with you nauseous with your indecent exposure. It's like expecting Snookie to be a legitimate candidate for women's rights. If you act like a sexual deviant, people will treat you as a sexual deviant. Don't paint that picture for all of the gay community.”[xxiv] He has a point. Gay pride parades send the wrong message and only represent a small fraction of the gay community.
Finally, the parades are outdated and lack any productive purpose. They are, nonetheless, parades, and not marches. Many parades still have at least some of the original political or activist character, especially in less accepting settings. The variation is largely dependent on the political, economic and religious settings of the area.[xxv] Parades have “evolved from radical marches into festive parades with elaborate floats and notable participants including politicians and well-known entertainers,”[xxvi] serving a completely different purpose than before. Originating from the Stonewall riots in New York, the parades used to gather support for the gay community. To an extent, the parades are still a way in which the gay community gathers support, but they are no longer what they used to be; Pride parades are now seen as a spectacle and a freak show rather than a fight for civil rights.  An excerpt from A Straight Person’s Guide to Gay Pride on gawker.com reads, “The first Gay Pride parade was really a march through the streets of New York to protest the unfair treatment of gay men by police at the Stonewall Inn in 1969. We now mark the infamous Stonewall Riots every June with a parade through town. It is no longer very political. It's mostly about corporations telling us that they're "down with the gays" and an excuse for gay people to party. Don't judge us.”[xxvii] Gay pride parades have come so far from what they once were; other than an excuse to celebrate, gay pride parades no longer serve any productive functions.
There is much for the LGBT community to celebrate. In 2013 alone, LGBT relationships were made legal, the president became the first president in history to support gay marriage, and the Defense of Marriage act began to look like the U.S. Supreme court could likely overturn it.[xxviii] Pride parades have been crucial in bringing about LGBT rights all over the world. But their initial purpose as a call for equality for all LGBT people has been abandoned. Gay pride was once a means to an end but now it is distracting and detrimental. It no longer enriches the gay rights movement rather it delegitimizes and weakens the movement’s arguments. It plays to the stereotypes of the gay community, its not all-inclusive, and it no longer adheres to its fundamental purpose.



     [i]  "Harvey Milk," The Biography.com website, http://www.biography.com/people/harvey-milk-9408170 (accessed Apr 08 2015).

     [ii] Ibid.

     [iii] McCarthy, Patrick. "What Did Harvey Milk Do for Us?" Freedom Requires Wings. May 23, 2012. Accessed April 08, 2015. http://www.freedomrequireswings.com/2012/05/what-did-harvey-milk-do-for-us.html.

     [iv] Wolf, Sherry. "Stonewall: The Birth of Gay Power." Stonewall: The Birth of Gay Power. Accessed April 24, 2015. http://isreview.org/issue/63/stonewall-birth-gay-power.

     [v] McCarthy, Patrick.
     [vi] "History of Gay Rights Movement in U.S." History of Gay Rights Movement in U.S. Accessed April 08, 2015. http://www.uky.edu/~lbarr2/gws250spring11_files/Page1186.htm.

     [vii] Ibid.

     [viii] Newton, David E. "Problems, Controversies, and Solutions." In Gay and Lesbian Rights: A Reference Handbook, 35. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 2009.

     [ix] "Map: Same-sex Marriage in the United States." CNN. April 3, 2015. Accessed April 24, 2015. http://www.cnn.com/interactive/us/map-same-sex-marriage/.
     [x] "Pride Parade." - Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia. Accessed February 12, 2015. http://www.c1000veld.nl/web/browse.php?u=Oi8vZW4ubS53aWtpcGVkaWEub3JnL3dpa2kv

     [xi] "Gay Pride." Wikipedia. Accessed February 12, 2015. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gay_pride.

     [xii] Michelson, Noah. "Pride Parades: Are They Good Or Bad For The LGBT Community? Vote Now! (POLL)." The Huffington Post. Accessed April 24, 2015. http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2012/05/31/pride-parades-good-or-bad-for-lgbt-community_n_1560371.html.

     [xiii] "Andrew Sullivan." The Atlantic. Accessed April 24, 2015. http://www.theatlantic.com/author/andrew-sullivan/.

     [xiv] Ibid.

     [xv] Sullivan, Andrew. "About Us." The Dish (blog), February 04, 2013. Accessed April 24, 2015. http://dish.andrewsullivan.com/about/.

     [xvi] Ibid.
     [xvii] Sullivan, Andrew. "Dismantling Gay Pride." The Dish (blog), June 08, 2011. Accessed April 24, 2015. http://dish.andrewsullivan.com/2011/06/08/dismantling-gay-pride/.

     [xviii] "Gay Pride Parades: Do They Give You a Good or Bad Impression of Gays?" City-Data Forum. Accessed April 24, 2015. http://www.city-data.com/forum/politics-other-controversies/1016460-gay-pride-parades-do-they-give.html.

     [xix] Michelson, Noah.

     [xx] Harper, Robyn. "Pride and the Other 364 Days of the Year." The Huffington Post. September 13, 2012. Accessed April 22, 2015. http://www.huffingtonpost.com/robyn-harper/pride-and-the-other-364-days-of-the-year_b_1877767.html.
     [xxi] "Gay-Pride Parade Sets Mainstream Acceptance Of Gays Back 50 Years." The Onion. April 25, 2001. Accessed April 24, 2015. http://www.theonion.com/articles/gaypride-parade-sets-mainstream-acceptance-of-gays,351/.
     [xxii] "I Think the Pride Parade Enforces Stereotypes and Is a Hindrance on the Gay Rights Movement. CMV • /r/changemyview." Reddit. Accessed April 24, 2015. http://www.reddit.com/r/changemyview/comments/1x9yig/i_think_the_pride_parade_enforces_stereotypes_and/.
     [xxiii] Wong, Curtis M. "Gay Pride Parades Spark Debate As They Become More Corporate, Mainstream." The Huffington Post. September 16, 2013. Accessed April 09, 2015. http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2013/09/16/gay-pride-parade-debate-_n_3936596.html.

     [xxiv] "Gay Pride Parades Make Gays Look Bad. , Page 1." AboveTopSecret.com. June 27, 2011. Accessed April 09, 2015. http://www.abovetopsecret.com/forum/thread721843/pg1.

     [xxv] "Pride Parade." - Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia. Accessed February 12, 2015. http://www.c1000veld.nl/web/browse.php?u=Oi8vZW4ubS53aWtpcGVkaWEub3JnL3dpa2kv

     [xxvi] Wythe, Bianca. "American Experience: TV's Most-watched History Series." PBS. June 9, 2011. Accessed April 09, 2015. http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/americanexperience/blog/2011/06/09/pride-parade/.
     [xxvii] Moylan, Brian. "A Straight Person's Guide to Gay Pride." Gawker. June 25, 2010. Accessed April 09, 2015. http://gawker.com/5573038/a-straight-persons-guide-to-gay-pride.

     [xxviii] Obernauer, Charlene. "What's the Point of Pride Marches?" The Huffington Post. June 19, 2013. Accessed April 09, 2015. http://www.huffingtonpost.com/charlene-obernauer/whats-the-point-of-pride-marches_b_3462807.html.

Monday, May 25, 2015

"You Must Be This Young To Die," by Catherine Luchars

This essay was submitted by Catherine Luchars, just graduated from Millbrook School and headed for Colorado College in the fall.

With the development of medicinal care in the past century, the balance between prolonging life and relieving suffering has become increasingly more controversial for doctors. Instead of death happening naturally or accidently on people’s own terms, it has moved to public hospitals. Physicians now control the outcomes of people’s lives, raising the question of whether the doctor’s authority serves a patient’s best interest. The responsibility of making decisions on how to treat a patient must naturally shift from doctors and governmental authorities to patients and family members. Assuming an individual is competent and of a rational mind, being free from unwanted interference in order to uphold bodily integrity is a fundamental principle engrained into our democratic society. The right of individuals to choose their own medical care and the time, place, and manner of their death is implicit in the basic notion of personal autonomy and self-determination, and ultimately must take precedent over the governmental interest of protecting citizens by safeguarding their health.

This contemporary issue over who should be making medical decisions is being disputed in a current court case in Connecticut. It involves Cassandra C., a 17-year-old girl, who was diagnosed with Hodgkin’s Lymphoma in September. In the face of grueling future medical treatments to combat this disease, Cassandra made the personal decision to forego chemotherapy altogether, despite its 80% chance survival rate, and cope with the fact that without treatment her chance of death is almost certain. This decision, supported by her mother, has entangled the two in a legal battle against the Connecticut State courts. It began after the surgical removal of Cassandra’s lymph node performed by local doctors. Following this, Cassandra and her mother planned on consulting with doctors in another state to seek another opinion, but the local doctors called Department of Children and Families, raising the issue of parental medical neglect. As a result, the Court ordered the removal of Cassandra from her mother’s custody until her mother “provided and cooperated with the medical care under DCF supervision and as recommended by her doctors”.[i] Cassandra and her mother subsequently complied with the court’s orders, but after Cassandra received her first two chemotherapy treatments, she ran away from home to avoid further treatment. When she returned, the court “ordered that she be immediately removed from her home and that she remain in DCF’s care and custody”.[ii] They also authorized the DCF to “make all necessary medical decisions on Cassandra’s behalf.”[iii] She is now in a hospital receiving treatment under this court order.

The court declared that not only Cassandra, a 17-year-old girl, is incompetent to make her own medical decisions, but her mother lacks the responsibility as well, bringing up issues regarding personal and family integrity. Cassandra’s mother has acknowledged the fact that her daughter will die without treatment. Her mother declared that regardless of this outcome, “it’s her constitutional right—she doesn’t want poison and toxins in her body. It’s her choice, and I support her decision.”[iv] Cassandra “put up a fight”[v] against the Connecticut state doctors to avoid chemotherapy, and ultimately had to be strapped down to the hospital bed. She reflects on her experience in a personal essay after being hospitalized in December, “ I was strapped to a bed by my wrists and ankles and sedated. I woke up in the recovery room with a port surgically placed in my chest. I was outraged and felt completely violated.”[vi] Cassandra, currently confined to the hospital with limited communications and visits, specifically by her mother, writes that she feels suffocated by the court’s intervention and that nobody has let her breath. She ends her personal essay with the fundamental constitutional issue, “How long is a person actually supposed to live and who decides that?”

The basic right for a person to choose not be touched or treated without consent, despite a potentially fatal outcome, has been consistently established in prior court decisions and should provide ample protection for Cassandra. Based on Cruzan v. Director, Missouri Dept. of Health, a case involving a woman who was permanently unconscious after a serious car accident, the Supreme Court recognized the right of any person deemed competent to refuse any medical treatment.[vii] The court limited this right by saying that states also have an interest in this matter, whether preserving life, preventing suicide, or upholding the ethical integrity of the medical profession. Therefore, the court decided that a state has the ability to insist on clear and convincing evidence as to the patient’s wishes. This case, along with several others such as Quinlan vs. New Jersey and Bouvia v. Superior ushered the legal acceptance of what is now classified as passively hastening death.[viii] In Quinlan vs. New Jersey (1976), Karen Ann Quinlan stopped breathing and fell into a persistent vegetative state, with full recovery unlikely. Her family fought the courts to remove the respirator, figuring that’s what Karen would have wanted. The New Jersey Supreme Court acknowledged both the right for Quinlan to refuse further treatment and her family’s right to make that decision for her by allowing her respirator to be removed. In Bouvia vs. Superior Court, the court recognized that a 30-year-old woman, who was a victim of cerebral palsy, had the right not be force fed through medical procedures, even if refusal led to her death.[ix] In these cases, the patients, whose prospects for a somewhat meaningful existence were almost certain, were still allowed to end their life by foregoing treatment. Courts hold that an individual’s right to privacy and to be free from unwanted bodily interferences affords an individual the ability to make this decision.

The courts distinguish the countervailing state interests of the preservation of life, the prevention of suicide, the protection of third parties, and upholding the ethical integrity of the medical profession from the ability to limit a patient to forgo medical treatment. However, if a patient is terminally ill, permanently unconscious, or deemed competent by the courts to make rational medical decisions for themselves, these limitations have little effect. Ultimately, the courts view, as stated in Quinlan is that “the state’xs interests weaken and the individual’s right to privacy grows as the degree of bodily invasion increases and the prognosis dims”.[x] They deem that allowing a patient to merely refuse medicine, even when it is life sustaining, is letting the disease or nature take its course, therefore not constituting suicide, which is generally condemned in most state and federal courts.[xi] In addition, they said that the government’s concern over the effect of the medical decision on a third party, such as a child, friend, or other close member, denies the patient of the choice of which risks to take. A person is obligated to evaluate their circumstances and judge what is best whether for themselves or those who might be affected. Ultimately, the right of individuals to make their own medical choice prevails over the interest of a third party.

They also recognize that this strong right does not sacrifice the ethical integrity of the medical profession because finding a cure to any and all disease is not the end goal anymore. Rather than treatment, the dying person is often in need of comfort.[xii] This theme of compassion in doctors is highlighted in the decision of Superintendent of Belchertown State School v. Saikewicz, stating, “if the doctrines of informed consent and right of privacy have as their foundations the right to bodily integrity…and control of one’s own fate, then those rights are superior to the institutional considerations.”[xiii] These exceptions to the limitations on the right to refuse treatment directly apply to Cassandra’s situation. They uphold the basic human principles that not only is an individual obligated to make decisions for themselves, but also the doctor’s are obligated to respect those decisions, as the sole goal of treatment is not recovery for those suffering with severe, incapacitating illnesses. With modern technology affording a patient multiple medicinal routes to take, the patient must make the decision based on what they feel most comfortable with, eliciting the crucial right of privacy and self-determination.

Despite not being explicitly guaranteed as a fundamental right in the constitution, the right to privacy has become accepted in landmark Supreme Court cases in the past. Dating back to 1891 in Union Pacific R. Co. v. Botsford, the court recognized that the right of personal privacy or a “guarantee of certain areas or zones of privacy” [xiv] exists in the constitution. Justice Blackmun in Roe v. Wade ruled that “in varying contexts, the Court or individual Justices have found at least the roots of that right in the First Amendment; in the Fourth and Fifth amendments; in the penumbras of the Bill of Rights; in the Ninth Amendment or in the concept of liberty guaranteed by the first section of the Fourteenth Amendment.”[xv] From here he says that only personal rights that “can be deemed fundamental or implicit in the concept of ordered liberty” [xvi] are included in this guarantee of personal privacy.

Based on this conclusion, Blackmun argues that a statute criminalizing a woman’s right to an abortion is unconstitutional. He points out the detriment that the state would impose upon the pregnant women by denying her choice to terminate her pregnancy. He not only cites physical harms, but the psychological distress that would arise from an unwanted child who is unable to be cared for. This detriment has little distinction from the state refusing Cassandra and her mother’s, or, more generally, other seriously incapacitated patients’, choice as to how they will die. The series of harsh treatments that as Cassandra’s mother says “kills the cancer, but also kills everything else in your body”[xvii] and the loss of autonomy, bodily functions, and the decreasing ability to participate in activities that make life enjoyable should be reason enough for a person to be able to make this private decision.[xviii] In Planned Parenthood v. Casey, the court acknowledges that matters

Involving the most intimate and personal choices a person may make in a lifetime, choices central to personal dignity and autonomy, are central to the liberty protected by the Fourteenth Amendment. At the heart of liberty is the right to define one’s own concept of existence, of meaning, of the universe, and of the mystery of human life. Beliefs about these matters could not define the attributes of personhood were they formed under compulsion of the state.[xix]



The state of Connecticut cannot punish Cassandra for having her own beliefs and concept of existence. If enduring the emotionally and physically painful process of chemotherapy does not feel worth it to Cassandra, the state must respect that and let her be.

Connecticut claims that this recognized right does not apply to Cassandra on the sole basis that she is an incompetent patient since she is a minor (17 years old) and lacks the responsibility to make the decision for herself. However, previous courts have attempted to maintain the principles of autonomy by allowing a surrogate to make decisions regarding medical treatments for an incompetent patient. A surrogate, typically a close family member who best knows the patient and is most likely to act for the patient’s welfare, must apply the “substituted judgment standard,”[xx] by reflecting the patient’s probable wishes. In this case, Cassandra’s mom, acting as her surrogate, has decided to uphold Cassandra’s wishes. Despite being her legal guardian and authorized to make decisions for her daughter, Cassandra’s mother’s voice was discredited by Connecticut as well based on the conclusion that she did not have her daughter’s best interest in mind, accusing her of parental medical neglect. Yet, her mother was simply supporting her daughter’s decision. In fact, she even specifically remembers Cassandra remarking several years earlier that if she ever were to get cancer, she wouldn’t want chemotherapy. Her mother respected Cassandra’s long-standing views on this matter, and sought out second opinions on what Cassandra’s other options were besides chemotherapy. These actions cannot rationally be taken as “neglect” and, as Cassandra’s surrogate, it is within her right to make these decisions anyways.

The state rejects the argument that Cassandra should be given the authority to choose whether or not to undergo chemotherapy based on her maturity. However, their evidence to determine her maturity is founded solely on her behavior in response to the state’s actions.[xxi] Following the initial trial court decision that allowed Cassandra to move back home in her mother’s custody if she submitted to the unwanted treatment, Cassandra decided to run away from home for several days and skipped several court-mandated chemotherapy appointments. An article in the Harvard Crimson notes Connecticut’s inconsistency saying, “a state should not have the right to base the legitimacy of its authority over her on the fact that she challenged the court’s legitimacy in the first place.”[xxii] Essentially, Connecticut’s conviction that neither Cassandra nor her mother is rational in their decision to refuse treatment extinguishes the legitimacy of any right personal autonomy in the first place, as the medical decisions are only deemed rational if they consent to the authority of the state’s decision.[xxiii]

Regardless of her maturity level and competency to make a decision, if Cassandra was born only several months earlier, the state would have no interest in this matter at all since she would be 18 and therefore considered old enough to make rational decisions. This fact is impossible to ignore as it highlights the legitimacy of the state’s interest. While protecting a minor from making a fatal decision is valid, they cannot justify the difference that only a few months would make on an individual’s capability to make a decision. Cassandra’s lawyer points out this key point, asking “Can a smart and knowledgeable 17-year-old make the same choice, for better or for worse, than she would be able to make without state interference nine months from now, when she turns 18?”[xxiv] Once a person turns 18, their decision-making skills do not automatically improve.

Many states have made efforts to counteract this fact by adopting a Mature Minors Doctrine, which holds that some minors possess the maturity to make their own medical decisions, even if they are younger than the age of legal adulthood. As of 2013, seventeen states have recognized some form of this doctrine[xxv]. This law generally gives minors the ability to consent to medical treatment against the wishes of their parents, often relating to giving teenagers the right to get an abortion. Connecticut is one of the states that has not implemented any aspect of this legislation and instead continually refuses to acknowledge that there is no rigid, defining age of maturity. Their complete denial of this inconsistency undermines their claims of governmental interest by not truly evaluating a person’s maturity beyond their age. Courts have ruled that minors can refuse treatment before. In 2007, 14-year-old Dennis Lindberg died of leukemia after refusing to undergo life-saving blood transfusions. The state of Washington allowed him to make the decision for himself because he was a Jehovah’s Witness and blood transfusions are banned in his faith[xxvi]. This is no different from Cassandra. While her decision might not be influenced by her religion, it is still based on her own beliefs on human existence.

Admittedly, a 17-year-old girl deciding to succumb to a disease that will most likely end her life is an agonizing thought. Yet, it must be recognized that no matter what, death is one of the most mystifying aspects of human life. Ultimately, it has to be up to the individual to rationalize their concept of it for themselves. Permitting Cassandra to “form and live in accordance with her own conception of a good life, at least within the bounds of justice and consistent with others doing so as well”[xxvii] is a right that the state simply cannot repeal. If Cassandra would rather succumb to her death than endure the “poison”[xxviii] that would be put into her body to counteract her dying and the emotional toll it would take on her, then she should be able to. The state’s interest in her maturity to handle this based on her age is essentially arbitrary and their failure to yield to her wishes as well as her legal guardian’s sacrifices both of their liberty altogether. It reveals that regardless of whether someone is capable of making a rational decision or not, if it is not in accordance with the ideas of the authority, then the authority may disregard it. Connecticut’s actions, despite its good intentions of safeguarding health and protecting a minor, cross personal boundaries that destroy Cassandra’s individual autonomy and lack any compelling justification. This case and along with others cited throughout this paper clearly illustrate that a governmental interference with a noble cause, if left unchecked and pushed too far, can cause more damage than good and ultimately threaten an individual’s inherent right to free will and independence—two core values fundamental to a democratic society.




[i] Josh Kovner, “Teen Fighting Chemo Order” Hartford Courant, January 03, 2015.
[ii] Ibid
[iii] Ibid
[iv] Ibid
[v] Josh Kovner, “Teen’s Mother: It’s her choice” Hartford Courant, January 04, 2015.
[vi] Elizabeth A. Harris, “Connecticut Teenager With Cancer Loses Court Fight to Refuse Chemotherapy,” The New York Times, January 09, 2015, http://www.nytimes.com/2015/01/10/nyregion/connecticut-teenager-with-cancer-loses-court-fight-to-refuse-chemotherapy.html?_r=0 (accessed April 4, 2015)
[vii] Alan Meisel. "Right to Die, Policy and Law." Encyclopedia of Bioethics. Ed. Stephen G. Post. 3rd ed. Vol. 4. New York: Macmillan Reference USA, 2004. 2385-2396. Gale Virtual Reference Library. Web. 22 Mar. 2015.
[viii] Ibid
[ix] Ibid
[x] Ibid
[xi] Vacco v. Quill, 521 U.S. 793 (1997)
[xii] Meisel, “Right to Die, Policy and Law”.
[xiii] Ibid
[xiv] Roe v. Wade 1973
[xv] Ibid
[xvi] Ibid
[xvii] WW I Chattanooga, “Cassandra’s Catch-22” The Economist Newspaper, January 14, 2015,http://www.economist.com/blogs/democracyinamerica/2015/01/medical-consent (accessed April 8)
[xviii] Meisel, “Right to Die, Policy and Law”.
[xix] Planned Parenthood v. Casey, 505 U.S. 833 (1992).
[xx] Meisel, “Right to Die, Policy and Law”.
[xxi] Risham Dhillon “Raw Truths, Instinct, and Justice: The Cassandra C. Case” The Harvard Crimson, January 28, 2015, http://www.thecrimson.com/article/2015/1/28/cassandra-c-mature-minor/ (accessed April 1, 2015)
[xxii]Ibid
[xxiii] Chattanooga, “Cassandra’s Catch-22”.
[xxiv] Josh Kovner, “Lawyer: Teen’s Prognosis Good” Hartford Courant, January 6, 2015.
[xxv] Ibid
[xxvi] Megan Thielking, “Why a 17-year-old with cancer if being forced to undergo chemo against her will,” VOX, January 8, 2015, http://www.vox.com/2015/1/8/7513423/why-a-17-year-old-with-cancer-is-being-forced-to-undergo-chemo (accessed April 24th, 2015).
[xxvii]Simon Canick, "Constitutional Aspects of Physician-Assisted Suicide After Lee v. Oregon" (1997). Faculty Scholarship. Paper 150. http://open.wmitchell.edu/facsch/150
[xxviii] Kovner, “Teen Mother: It’s her choice”.


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